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Constituent Assembely Of India - Volume IX
Dated: September 10, 1949
The Constituent Assembly of India met in the Constitution Hall, New Delhi. at Nine, of the Clock, Mr. President (The Honourable Dr. Rajendra Prasad) in the Chair.
Mr. President: We shall take up article 24 this morning and we shall begin with amendment No. 369. I desire to impress upon honourable Members that we must finish the discussion of this article today, as we have fixed the other question regarding language for Monday and Tuesday.
I have got some 97 amendments to this amendment : many of them overlap each other and others repeat similar amendments. I hope Members will bear this in mind when insisting upon moving their particular amendments, so that we may not have the same arguments repeated by different Members while moving their amendments. The first amendment we shall take up is No. 369.
Seth Govind Das (C.P. & Berar : General): Sir, may I take it that if the discussion of this article is not over by one o'clock it will be continued in the afternoon also, so that we will have Monday and Tuesday free for the language question ?
Mr. President: That we shall see on Monday. Today we shall have an afternoon session if necessary.
The Honourable Shri Jawaharlal Nehru (United Provinces : General) : Mr. President, I move :
Sir, this House has discussed many articles of this Constitution at considerable length. I doubt if there are many other articles which have given rise to so such discussion and debate as this present article that I have moved. In this discussion many eminent lawyers have, taken part, in private discussions and discussion in another place, And naturally they have thrown a great deal of light so much light indeed that the conflicting beams of light have often produced a certain measure of darkness. But the questions before us really are fairly simple........
Shri H. V. Kamath (C.P. & Berar: General): Sir, the Honourable the Prime Minister is hardly audible on this side.
Shri Jaspat Roy Kapoor (United Provinces: General) : We want to hear every word of what he says.
The Honourable Shri Jawaharlal Nehru : Sir, I was saying that in spite of the great argument that has taken place, not in this House but outside among Members over this article, the questions involved are relatively simple. It is true that there are two approaches to those questions, the two approaches being the individual right to property and the community's interest in that property or the community's right. There is no conflict necessarily between those two : sometimes the two may overlap and sometimes there might be, if you like, some patty conflict. This amendment that I have moved tries to remove or to avoid that conflict and also tries to take into consideration fully both these rights-the. right of the individual and the right of the community.
First of all let us be quite clear that there is no question of any expropriation without compensation so far as this Constitution is concerned. If property is required for public use it is a well established law that it should be acquired by the State, by compulsion if necessary and compensation is paid and the law has laid down methods of judging that compensation. Now, normally speaking in regard to such acquisition-what might be called petty acquisition or acquisition of small bits of property or even relatively large bits, if you like, for the improvement of a town, etc.-the law has been clearly laid down. But more and more today the community has to deal with large schemes of social reform, social engineering etc., which can hardly be considered from the point of view of that individual acquisition of a small bit of land or structure. Difficulties arise-apart from every other difficulty, the question of time. Here is a piece of legislation that the community, as presented in its chosen representatives, considers quite essential for the progress and the safety of the State and it is a piece of legislation which affects millions of people. Obviously you cannot leave that piece of legislation too long, widespread and continuous litigation in the courts of law. Otherwise the future of millions of people may be affected; otherwise the whole structure of the State may be shaken to its foundations : so that we have to keep these things in view. If we have to take the property, if the State so wills, we have to see that fair and equitable compensation is Riven, because we proceed on the basis of fair and equitable compensation. But when we consider the equity of it we have always to remember that the equity does not apply only to the individual but to the community. No individual can override ultimately the rights of the community at large. No community should injure and invade the rights of the individual unless it be, for the most urgent and important reasons.
How is it going to balance all this ? You may balance it to some extent by legal means, but ultimately the balancing authority can only be the sovereign legislature of the country which 'can keep before it all the various factors all the public, political and other factors-that come into the picture. This article, if you will be good enough to read it, leads you by a chain of thought and refers to these various factors and I think refers to them in an equitable manner. It is true that some honourable Members may criticise this article because of a certain perhaps overlapping, because of a certain perhaps-what they might consider-lack of clarity in a word here or there or a phrase. That to some extent is inevitable when you try to bring together a large number of ideas and approaches and factors and put them' in one or a number of phrases.
This draft article which I have the honour to propose is the result of a great deal of consultation, is the result in fact of the attempt to bring together and compromise various approaches to this question. I feel that that attempt has in a very large measure succeeded. It may not meet the wishes of every individual who may like to emphasize one part of it more than the other. But I think it is a just compromise and it does justice and equity not only to the individual but to the community.
The first clause in this article lays down the basic principle that no Person shall be deprived of his property save by authority of law. The next clause says that the law should provide for the compensation for the property and should either fix the amount of compensation or specify the principles under which or the manner in which the compensation is to be determined. The law should do it. Parliament should do it. 'Mere is no reference in this to any judiciary coming into the picture. Much thought has been given to it and there has been much debate as to where the judiciary comes in. Eminent lawyers have told us that on a proper construction of this clause, normally ,speaking, the judiciary should not and does not come in. Parliament fixes either the compensation itself or the principles governing that compensation and they should not be challenged except for one reason, where it is thought that there has been a gross abuse of the law, where in fact there has been a fraud on the Constitution. Naturally the judiciary comes in to see if there has been a fraud on the Constitution or not. But normally speaking one presumes that any Parliament representing the entire community of the nation will certainly not commit a fraud on its own Constitution and will be very much concerned with doing justice to the individual as well as the community.
In regard to the other clauses I need say very little except that clause (4) relates to Bills now pending before the Legislature of a State. The House win know that there are such Bills pending. In order to avoid any doubt with regard to those measures, it says that as soon as the President has assented to that law no question should be raised in a court of law in regard to the provisions of that ,enactment. Previous to this it has already been said that the matter has to go to the President. That is, if you like, a kind of a check to see that in a hurry the Legislature has not done something which it should not have done. if so, the President no doubt will draw their attention to it and suggest such changes as he may consider fit and proper for Parliament's consideration.
Finally, there are certain other saving clauses about which I need not say much. Clause (6) again refers to any law which has been passed within the last year or the year before the commencement of the Constitution. It says that, if the President certifies that, no other obstruction should be raised. Reading this article, it seems to me surprising that we have had this tremendous debate on it-not here but elsewhere. That debate was due perhaps not to this article but to rather other conflicts of opinion which are in the minds of Members and, I believe, many outside.
We are passing through a tremendous age of transition. That of course is a platitude. Nevertheless platitudes have to be repeated and to be remembered lest in forgetting them we land ourselves in great difficulties and in crisis. When we pass through great ages of transition, the various systems-even systems of law- have to undergo changes. Conceptions which had appeared to us basic undergo changes. And I draw the attention of the House to the very conception of property which may seem to us an unchanging conception but which has changed throughout the times, and changed very greatly, and which is today undergoing a very rapid change. There was a period when there was property in human beings. The king owned everything-the land, the cattle, the human beings. Property used to be measured in terms of the cows and bullocks you possessed in old days. Property in land then became more important. Gradually the property in human beings ceased to exist. If you go back to the period when there were debates on slavery you will see how very much the same arguments were advanced in regard to the property in human beings as are sometimes advanced now with regard to the other property. Well, slavery ceased to exist.
Gradually the idea of property underwent changes not so much by law, but by the development of human society. Land today, as it has been yesterday, is likely to be a very important kind of property. One cannot overlook it. Nevertheless, other kinds of property today are very important in industrially developed countries. Ultimately you arrive at an idea of property which consists chiefly in a millionaire having a bundle of paper in his hands which represents millions, securities, promissory notes, etc. That is the conception of property today; that is the real conception of the millionaire. It is rather an odd conception to have to protect carefully that property which, in the larger concept of vastly greater properties, is paper. In other words, property becomes today more and more a question of credit. It becomes more and more immaterial and more and more a shadow. A man with credit has more property and can raise property and can do wonders with that credit. But a man with no credit can do nothing at all. I am merely mentioning this to the House to show how this idea of property has been a changing one where society has been changing rapidly owing to the various revolutions, industrial and other.
Again, another change takes place. Property remains of course property, but the ownership of property begins to spread out. The individual, instead of owning a very small share, more or less begins to own a very large share partly and thereafter becomes the co-sharer of a very large property and gets the benefit of that, although be is not complete master of it So co-operative undertakings, so in a sense the joint-stock system, etc., began. So in a sense also spread the idea of an individual becoming a part owner as a member of a group of properties on a big scale which no single. individual can ever hold except very rarely. In recent years the tendency has been for monopoly of wealth and property in a limited number of hands. This does not apply to India so much, because we have not grown so much in that direction. But where industrially countries 'have grown fast there has been monopoly of capital with the result that even the old idea of property and free enterprise is not easily applicable, because in the ultimate analysis the few persons who possess a large monopoly of capital really dominate the scene. They can crush out the little shop-keeper by their methods of business and by the fact that they have large sums of money at their command. Without giving the slightest compensation, they can crush him out of existence. The small man is crushed out of existence by the modern tendency to have money power concentrated in some hands. Thus the old conception of the individual owner of property suffers not only from social developments, as-, we see them taking place and from new conceptions of co-operative ownership of property, but from the development on the old lines when a rich man with capital can buy out the small one for a song.
How are you going to protect the individual? I began by saying that there are two approaches- the approach of the individual and the approach of the community. But how are we to protect the individual today except the few who are strong enough to protect themselves ? They have become fewer and fewer. In such a state of affairs, the State has to protect the individual right to property. He may possess property, but it may mean nothing to him, because some. monopoly comes in the way and prevents him from the enjoyment of his property. The subject therefore is not a simple one when you say you are protecting the individual's rights, because the individual may lose that right completely by the functioning of various forces today both in the capitalist direction and in the socialist direction.
Well, this is a large question and one can consider the various aspects of it at length. I wish to place before the House just a hint of these broader issues, because I am a little afraid that this House may be moved by legal arguments of extreme subtedly and extreme cleverness, ignoring the human aspect of the problem and the other aspects which are really changing the world today.
The House has to keep in mind the transitional and the revolutionary aspects of the problem, because, when you think of the land question in India today, you are thinking of something which is dynamic, moving, changing and revolutionary. These may well change the face of India either way; whether you deal with it or do not deal with it, it is not a static thing. It is something which is not entirely, absolutely within the control of law and Parliaments. That is to say, if law and Parliaments do not fit themselves into the changing picture, they cannot control the situation completely. This is a big fact. Therefore it is in this context of the fast-changing situation in India that we have to view this question and it is with this context in the wide world and in Asia we are concerned.
It must be said that we have to consider these problems not in the narrow, legalistic and juristic sense. There are some honourable Members here who, at the very outset, were owners of land, owners of zamindaries. Naturally they feel that their interests might be affected by this land legislation. But I think that the way this land legislation is being dealt with today-and I am acquainted a little more intimately with the land legislation in the United Provinces than elsewhere-the way this question is being dealt with may appear to them not completely right so far as they are concerned- but it is a better way and a juster way, from their point of view, than any other way that is going to come later. That way may not be by any process of legislation. The land question may be settled differently. If you look at the situation all the world over and all over Asia, nothing is more important and vital than a gradual reform of the big estates.
It has been not today's policy, but the old policy of the National Congress laid down years ago that the zamindari institution in India, that is the big estate system must be abolished. So far as we are concerned, we, who are connected with the Congress, shall give effect to that pledge naturally completely, one hundred per cent. and no legal subtedly and no change is going to come in our way. That is quite clear. We will honour our pledges. Within limits no judge and no Supreme Court can make itself a third chamber. No Supreme Court and no judiciary can stand in Judgment over the sovereign will of Parliament representing the will of the entire community. If we go wrong here and there it can point it out, but in the ultimate analysis, where the future of the community is concerned, no judiciary can come in the way. And if it comes in the way, Ultimately the whole Constitution is a creature of Parliament. But we must respect the judiciary, the Supreme Court and the other High Courts in the land. As wise people, their duty it is to see that in a moment of passion, in a moment of excitement, even the representatives of the people do not go wrong; they might. In the detached atmosphere of the courts, they should see to it that nothing is done that may be against the Constitution, that may be against the good of the country, that may be against the community in the larger sense of the term. Therefore, if such a thing occurs, they should draw attention to that fact, but it is obvious that no court, no system of judiciary can function in the nature of a third House, as a kind of Third House of correction. So, it is important that with this limitation the judiciary should function.
You have decided, the House has decided, rather most of the Provincial Governments have decided to have a Second Chamber. Why has it been so decided ? The Second Chamber also is an elected Chamber mostly. Presumably, they have so decided because we want some check somewhere to any rapid decision of the First Chamber, which that Chamber itself may later regret and may wish to go back on. So, from that point of view, it is desirable to have people whose duty is, not in any small matters but with regard to the basic principles that you lay down, to see that you do not go wrong, as sometimes even the Legislature may go wrong, but ultimately the fact remains that the legislature must be supreme and must not be interfered with by the courts of law in such measures of social reform. Otherwise, you will have strange procedures adopted. of course, one is the method of changing the Constitution. The other is that which we have seen in great countries across the seas that the executive, which is the appointing authority of the judiciary, begins to appoint judges of its own liking for getting decisions in its own favour, but that is not a very good method.
I submit, therefore, that in this Resolution the approach made protects both individual and the community. It gives the final authority to Parliament, subject only to the scrutiny of the superior courts in case of some grave error, in case of contravention of the Constitution or the like, not otherwise. And finally in regard to certain pending measures or measures that have been passed, it makes it clear beyond any doubt that there should be no interference. I beg to place this amendment before the House.
Shri Syamanandan Sahaya (Bihar: General) : Mr. President, Sir, before we proceed with the discussion of this amendment which is really the draft of article 24 now, I would like to raise a preliminary objection on a point of order. Before I make my submission, I would like to point out that I am doing so, not for obstructing this article, but in my own humble way to draw attention to a defect which exists in this. Sir, I wish to draw your attention and the attention of the honourable the Mover to clause (4) of this article which reads thus:-
If you will kindly refer, Sir, to the discussion in this House on the recommendations of the Fundamental Rights Committee, you will find that they accepted the principle that no property shall be taken possession of or acquired without the payment of compensation. This view, Sir, has also just now been expressed by the Honourable the Prime Minister when he said in his opening speech that there is no question of expropriation without compensation. I take my stand on that principle which we accepted in this House and on the statement just now made by the Honourable the Prime Minister in moving his amendment. Now, if we carefully read the wording of clause (4)........
Shri B. Das (Orissa: General) : May I enquire what fundamental right my friend is referring to ?
Shri Syamanandan Sahaya: Clause 19 of the Fundamental Rights Committee's report. If you want the page, I will give you.
Some Honourable Member: But what is the article that we have passed ?
Mr. President: I would ask honourable Members to allow the Member to make his point. He has not yet come to his point of order. He is making his preliminary observations. Let him make his point of order.
Shri Syamanandan Sahaya: If you read clause (4) of this article, it will appear that a Bill which is pending before a Legislature, shall not be called in question in a court of law if it contravenes the provisions of clause (2) of this article. It is only in clause (2) that we have provided that any law that is passed for taking possession of or acquiring private property shall provide for compensation and either fixes the amount of the compensation or lays down the principles and the manner in which the compensation is to be determined. Now, clause (4) lays down that if a Bill contravenes the provisions of clause (2), even then no question can be raised in any court, which means that it is empowering the legislature to pass if necessary, a law taking possession of or acquiring private property without paying any compensation. The compensation provision is in clause (21 only and nowhere else.
Pandit Balkrishna Sharma (United Provinces: General) : May I point out, Sir, that the arguments that are being advanced by the honourable Member are in no way related to any point of order ? He is only discussing the proposition before the House, and therefore........
Mr. President,: So far as I have followed him, he is raising his point of order with regard to clause (4). I do not know whether he is right or wrong. I am just explaining what he is driving at, as I have understood him. Under clause (4) in the form in which it is at present presented, if a Bill which is now pending or which will be pending at the time of the commencement of this Constitution does not contain any provision for payment of compensation or for laying down the principles and the manner in which the compensation is to be determined, if that Bill is passed and if it receives the assent of the President, that cannot be questioned in any court of law. His point of order is that you are thereby nullifying clause (2) in the case of pending Bills. That is his point of order.
Shri Syamanandan Sahaya: That is precisely my point.
Pandit Balkrishna Sharma: Is there any point of order involved in it if we are modifying the previous clause ? We are a supreme body.
Shri Syamanandan Sahaya : Quite right. Let us understand it. Let the House be sure of what it is passing. If the House is prepared to pass a legislation which empowers the legislature to pass even a legislation of expropriation without compensation, and if that is precisely what is also the idea of the Honourable Premier, who is the mover of the, amendment, then I have nothing to say. I take my stand, as I have stated, on what we have already passed in this House before in clause 19 of the Fundamental Committee Report and articles 13 and 15 of this Constitution and what is already incorporated in clause (2) of this very article; and when I find that clause (4) contravenes those provisions, and infringes upon them, then, Sir, I naturally feel that such a provision ought not to find a place in the Constitution, unless it is suitably amended. That is my whole point. of course, these arguments relate to clause (6) also, but the point being similar, I do not want to take your further time.
What I desire to say before I sit down is that this is a point which is very vital. The House must know where we stand. We want to pass a law whereby we could expropriate without compensation. If that is not the view of the Houseand if that is not the underlying idea of this amendment, then this should be suitably amended. If, Sir, it is contended that it is not possible, that a legislation without compensation will be passed by the legislatures which have men of the highest ability and also in the various Governments and that we should not feel in any way apprehensive about such a legislation going through, I will only say that a democratic leader of the stature of the Honourable the Prime Minister would not advise us to depend upon the goodwill of individuals and not on the provision for the safety of our rights in the Constitution itself.
The Honourable Shri Ghanshyam Singh Gupta (C.P. & Berar: General): Mr. President, there is no doubt that clause (4) is an exception to clause (2), In all articles there are exceptions to previous articles. We always say "notwithstanding this", "Provided that", etc., and I do not see that any point of order arises because clause (4) Is simply an exception to clause (2). Whether we should have such an exception is a different matter and whether there can be an exception to a substantive clause is quite different matter. We authorize such exception in every proviso. Therefore, all that I wanted to submit is no point of order has been raised by the honourable Member. of course, if we remove the exception and give powers to the Prime Minister that such exceptions would not be made to clause (2) that is a different matter.
Shri Biswanath Das (Orissa : General): I wish to speak.
Mr. President: Do you want to support the point of order ?
Shri Biswanath Das : I want to oppose the point of order raised.
Mr. President: Then you need not.
Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad (West Bengal: Muslim) : Mr. President, I wish to partly support and partly oppose.
Mr. President:You have made out a case for speaking certainly
Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad : Sir, the point of order raises two questions. The first is that we are going against our own decisions on the Fundamental Rights. So far as that part of the argument is concerned, I am here to support it. The decision which was taken in lie House can be changed only in the regular way and if we are to accept clause (4), we must change our decision in the regular way, namely, in the manner laid down in the rules. So this part of the point of order is conditionally right, subject to our decision being changed in the regular way.
With regard to the other part of the point of order, namely, that it contravenes clause (2), that is not really a point of order. It is rather an argument an the merits. I do not wish to go into the merits, but I think it is not a point of order. Legally this House has the power to make a law and provide exceptions.
Mr. President: I do not think that the honourable Member has raised a point of order. There are several clauses in this article, some of them qualify what is stated in the previous clause. That very often happens in all legislations and it does not raise really a point of order. It is a question whether this clause should remain as it is on its merits and that is for the House to decide, and therefore no point of order arises.
Then I will ask the Members to take up the amendments.
Shri B. Das.: On a point of information, Sir, will each Member move his amendment and make the speech or will speeches be allowed after all the amendments, have been moved ?
Mr. President: I will expect every Member who moves the amendment to make his speech, so that he may not have to speak again.
Shri H. V. Kamath: Sir, there is another difficulty. I want to know whether the amendments will be taken up clause by clause, because I find from the lists that they are grouped together that way.
Mr. President: I will take the amendments and the discussion and then at the time of voting, I shall decide whether to take the whole, article or take the clauses separately.
Shri Damodar Swarup Seth (United Provinces: General):
Mr. President, Sir, with your permission, I move:
Now, Sir, before actually speaking in support of my amendment, I hope I will be excused to say something by way of introduction to the proposed amendment. The Draft Constitution has, in my humble opinion, failed, and failed rather miserably to deal properly with the question of the economic rights of the people. This article 24, which is now under discussion, I am sure, is soon going to be a Magna Charta in the hands of the capitalists of India. While we were under foreign rule, a few years back, we had been hoping fondly, not against hope, that in a free India the people of this country will be able to frame a really peoples' constitution which will as a whole be the Magna Charta of the toiling masses. But, alas, Sir, two years of Swadeshi rule have not only sadly disillusioned us, but all our hopes of better living and a prosperous India have been dashed to the ground. The standard of living of the masses is slowly going down and the index of prices of necessaries of life is daily rising. It is not possible for one to say as to where and when this rise in prices and the worsening of the economic condition of the masses will end. The plight of the middle class-people, Sir, is indescribably piteous. All this is happening in the face of the famous and historical Quit India Resolution in which the toiling masses of this country were solemnly promised Ram Rajya, i.e., that the power, political and economic, snatched from the foreigners will be vested in their hands. It is true that the toiling masses are even now attempted to be lulled into sleep by some tempting promises and sweet words. Even now if I correctly remember, Sir, the Honourable Prime Minister of India who has just moved this article 24, while speaking on the Objectives Resolution had declared in the most clear and emphatic terms 'that he stood for socialism and that India would go to the making of a Socialist Republic. If a Socialist Republic has actually to be established in this country, or as the President of the India National Congress promises every now and then, that there will be a classless society in this country during the next five years, then a Socialist Republic or a classless society are not to be dropped on thisland of ours from Heaven like Manna. If they do mean anything, it requires` some spade-work and clearing of way by dealing properly with the question of the economic rights of the people.
Now, Sir, this article 24 as a whole and clause (2) in particular, is worded not only vaguely, but unhappily. It is not clear whether the words "acquisition of property for public purposes" include socialisation of land and Industries or compulsory transfer of property from one set of persons to the other. It may well be argued that these words mean acquisition of property only for the general use of the Government, local self-governing, bodies and other charitable and public institutions and cannot be allowed to be stretched to nationalisation or socialisation. The subject therefore needs clarification, and that clarification, in my humble opinion, is not possible unless we discard the idea or I should say the theory, that man has natural right in property and also the idea that property is a projection of personality and any invasion on property is an interference with the personality itself. We. cannot confuse personality with property; nor can we forget the social and functional character of property. Man has no natural right in property. Claim to property is acquired by law recognised by community. The community, Sir, has always reserved to itself the right to modify laws with respect to property and acquire it from its owners in the common, social and economic interests of the people. Property is a social institution and like all other social institutions, it is subject to regulations and claim of common interests.
Laws of property have been changed from time to time. Many proprietary laws of the middle ages have been abolished without compensation. For example, when the law of slavery was abolished in America, no compensation whatsoever was paid to the slave-owners although many of them had to pay hard cash while acquiring that claim. The property of the entire people, it must be understood, is the main-stay of the State in the development of national economy and the right to private property cannot be allowed to stand in the way or used to the detriment of the community. The State must have the full right to regulate, limit and expropriate property by means of law in the common interests of the people.' The doctrine of compensation as a condition for expropriation cannot be accepted as a Gospel truth. Death duty is a form of partial expropriation without compensation and it forms an essential feature of the financial systems of many a progressive country in the world.
It is almost universally recognised that full compensation to the owners of properties will make impossible any large project of social and economic amelioration to be materialised. It is impossible for the State to pay owners of property in all cases and at market value for the property requisitioned or acquired in times of emergency or for the purpose of socialization of big industries with a view to eliminating exploitation and promoting general economic welfare. Partial compensation is therefore suggested by many thinkers in the world as a via media and they maintain that partial compensation will neither hinder socialisation nor at the same time will it deprive a large number of persons of the means of their livelihood. Much can be said in favour of partial compensation, if socialisation is to be carried on gradually and individual economy is retained over a wide field. Even partial compensation will have no justification when general transformation of economic structure on socialist lines takes place. In such a case all that the persons of vested interests can claim in a socialist economy is an opportunity and a share on par with all other citizens of the State. Thus it is not possible, Sir, to be dogmatic on the question of compensation and the State should he left free to determine compensation according to social will and prevailing social conditions.
Now, public needs often require, Sir, transference of property from one authority to another. For instance public utility undertakings, owned and managed by various Municipalities, may after some time be required to be pooled together on a provincial basis. Public good, may thus need their transference from one authority to another, i.e., to the provincial authority. But this transference must be accompanied with compensation, especially when different public authorities are allowed, by law, to keep separate accounts, finances, assets and liabilities. Transference of public property from one authority to another therefore without compensation may undermine the financial stability of the institutions or bodies, of lower grade and may also undermine the mutual harmony so essential amongst various constituents of a Federated State. It is therefore necessary to provide for compensation in cases of expropriation over against the provinces, the States, Local Self-Governing bodies and the associations serving public interests.
I, therefore, hope, 'Sir, that this amendment of mine will be given serious consideration by the Honourable Members of the House and if they think it desirable in the interest of the toiling masses of India that their economic rights should be dealt with properly and in the spirit in which they ought to be dealt, then I feel, Sir, that there will be no difficulty for the honourable Members of this House in accepting my amendment.
Prof. Shibban Lal Saksena (United Provinces: General) : Mr. President, Sir,. I beg to move :
"That with reference to amendments Nos. 720 to 769 of the List of Amendments; for article 24, the following be substituted:-
Sir, may I also move amendment No. 516 which really forms part of this.
That is separate. We will take it up later.
Prof. Shibban Lal Saksena: Sir, before making, any comments upon this I wish the House to understand the difference between my amendment and the amendment of the Honourable the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister's Resolution in clause (1) says the same thing that none should,be deprived of his property without authority of law but it is in clause (2) that the chief difference lies. This clause (2) in his amendment is a pure reproduction of section 299 of the Government of India Act, 1935. Only three words have been taken away and these am 'the payment of. I may read out clause (2)
So then by this new article proposed by the Honourable Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru,. we are really perpetuating the provisions of section 299 in our new Constitution. Only two exceptions have been made and these are in clauses (4) and (6).
These amendments have been specially devised to protect the Zamindari legislation of the U.P. and Bihar and Madras, clause (4) to protect the Zamindari abolition Bill in the U.P. and clause (6) to protect the Zamindari abolition Acts passed by the Bihar and Madras Legislatures. Even there I am afraid the new amendment of which notice has been given by Shri Alladi and Shri Munshi Nos. 504 to 506-if they are accepted-then I think the Madras and Bihar Bills will also become somewhat ultra vires of this Constitution in their present form. So in fact the only Act protected will be the U.P. Zamindari legislation.
Now, Sir, I want to ask this question of the House, Is the House prepared to protect the position that, excepting the zamindari property of the U.P., no other property in the country shall be acquired for public purposes, or in the interests of the State ? The words used in the article moved by the Honourable Prime Minister are-
In law, the word 'Compensation' means 'fair and equitable compensation'. What is to be fair and equitable compensation ? Parliament, under the amendment of Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, is not the final authority to decide that. The Parliament or the State legislatures may fix any amount or specify any principles to determine compensation, yet the Supreme Court will finally decide whether the amount fixed or the principles specified to determine compensation ensure fair and equitable compensation. So the final decision lies with the Supreme Court in the amendment moved by Pt. Nehru, and it can well declare that the principles specified by the Parliament for determining compensation are 'fraudulent'. The Supreme Court and not the Sovereign Parliament is thus the ultimate authority to decide what is 'fair and equitable compensation'. So you cannot acquire the key industries of the country and nationalise them, because, you cannot pay fair and equitable compensation. You cannot acquire even the zamindari property in any other province, e.g., in Rajasthan, for the same reason.. If the article is passed in the form proposed by the Honourable the Prime Minister.' it will mean permitting the capitalistic system in the country to remain intact. We cannot nationalise the key industries, nor even take over the zamindaries, except in the province of the U.P.
This being the position, I wonder if the House will accept this article as it has been proposed by Jawaharlalji. In my amendment, I say-
So under my amendment Parliament can lay down the rules for fixing the compensation to be paid for taking over properties, and whatever Parliament thinks is the proper compensation for any particular property shall be the fair and equitable compensation, and the law made by out Sovereign Parliament shall be final. No Supreme Court or any other body will sit in judgment over the principles laid down by our Sovereign Parliament.
I want this House to consider this fundamental question, whether it is prepared to put some other authority over the sovereignty of the Parliament which will be elected on the basis of adult franchise. Is it prepared to bind the hands of the future Parliament in this manner ? Our present Constituent Assembly has been criticised on the ground that it has been elected on the basis of indirect votes of persons who themselves have been elected on a narrow and not adult franchise. The new Parliament is to be elected by adult franchise and by this article, we bind the sovereign Parliament of the future, which win be elected by adult suffrage and say that it shall not be the final authority to determine the principles on which properties should be acquired for national purposes.
Sir, I feel that we should not bind (he future sovereign Parliament in this manner in such a vital matter over which this House is itself so keenly divided. My amendment in fact, leaves the Parliament sovereign and it can determine the principles on which compensation shall be paid and nobody, not even the Supreme Court, can question its decisions regarding those principles. In some cases in the interests of the nation, property may have to be taken even with,out paying any compensation, and it is quite possible that Parliament may decide to give full compensation in some other cases, but it will be entirely according to the judgment of the Parliament, and we trust the judgment of Parliament will be quite fair. According to the article, 24 of the Prime Minister, the law made by Parliament can be questioned by the Supreme Court and the judgment of the Court will, be final, as to whether the compensation and the principles according to which this compensation is determined, are fair or not. The question to be decided is whether we should have article 24 in that form or in some other form as the one proposed by me according to which the decision of Parliament shall be final.
Sir, I have taken keen interest throughout in the making of this Constitution avid I have vehemently opposed some of the articles. I have called these articles such as articles 15 and 280 which we have passed as wholly undemocratic and have said that they are a blot on the Constitution which we have framed. But I think that this article, if it is passed in the form in which the Prime Minister has proposed it, will be the darkest blot on our Constitution. I say this, firstly because as I have said, this amendment takes away the sovereignty of the Parliament and secondly because it will be a negation of all that the Congress has stood for all these so many years.
There is one interesting thing about this article which I must point out. Clauses (4) and (6) of this article are a sort of confession that the principles laid down in clause (2) of the article would lead to chaos and revolution if applied to acquisition of huge zamindari properties in the U.P., Bihar and Madras. Clauses (4) and (6) say that whatever Acts or Bills which are passed or are pending before legislatures on the commencement of this Constitution shall not be questioned before the Supreme Court, but all other Acts or Bills shall be liable to be questioned. Therefore there is discrimination here, even so far as zamindari properties are concerned, discrimination between zamindari property already acquired or to be acquired under a pending Bill and zamindari property to be acquired hereafter. There is thus also discrimination between industrial property and zamindari property. And let me tell the House that the Congress has always stood against discrimination.
I was surprised to hear the Honourable Prime Minister making a reference several times in his speech to the ultimate sovereignty of Parliament, and yet he has proposed an article in a form which will take away that sovereignty and this sovereignty has been put in the hands of the few judges of the Supreme Court who, however able they may be, will be empowered to set at naught the considered will of the Parliament. Now let us see who will really gain ultimately by this article ? I say only the lawyers will gain, lawyers who will fight out the cases in the Supreme Court, and the major portion of the property will find its way into the pockets of these lawyers. It will be a lawyer's paradise if this article is passed in this form.
As I said, this article is a negation of all that the Congress has stood for during all these years and it goes against the various resolutions of the Congress. Here I will quote certain paragraphs from the speech delivered by the revered Father of the Nation, Mahatma Gandhi, at the Round Table Conference, so that we may know what he said. He said "India free, I would love to think, would give a different kind of lesson and set a different kind of example to the whole world. I would not wish India to, live a life of complete isolation whereby, it would live in water-tight compartments and allow nobody to enter her borders or to trade within her borders. But, having said that, I have in mind many things that I would have to do in order to equalize conditions. I am afraid that for years to come India would be engaged in passing legislation in order to raise the down-trodden, the fallen from the mire into which they have been sunk by the capitalists, by the landlords, by the so- called higher classes, and then, subsequently and scientifically, by the British rulers. If we are to lift these people from the mire, then it would be the bounden duty of the National Government of India, in order to set its house in order, continually to give preference to these people and even free them from the burdens under which they are being crushed. And, if the landlords, zamindars, monied men and those who are today enjoying privileges- I do not care whether they are Europeans or Indians-if they find that they are discriminated against, I shall sympathize with them, but I will not be able to help them, even if I could possibly do so, because I would seek their assistance in that process and without their assistance it would not be possible to raise these people out of the mire.
Look at the condition, if you will, of the untouchables if the law comes to their assistance and sets apart miles of territory. At the present moment they hold no land; they are absolutely living at the mercy of the so-called higher castes, and also, let me say, at the mercy of the State. They can be removed from one quarter to another without complaint and without being able to seek the assistance of law. Well, the first act of the Legislature will then be to see that in order somewhat to equalise conditions, these people are given grants freely.
From whose pockets are these grants to come? Not from the pockets of Heaven. Heaven is not going to drop money for the sake of the State. They will naturally come from the monied classes, including the Europeans. Will they say that this is discrimination ? They will be able to see that this is no discrimination against them because they are Europeans; it will be discrimination against them because they have got money and the others have got no money. It will be therefore, a battle between the haves and the have nots.
Mr. President: I do not want to interfere with the Honourable speaker. But I do not see the force of this long quotation that he is reading out. What relevance has it got to the article we are considering now?
Prof. Shibban Lal Saksena: I will just finish the sentence. Then show its relevance.
Mr. President: You need not have read the whole of the speech, but only that particular sentence.
Prof. Shibban Lal Saksena: No, Sir. It was also necessary.
The relevancy of this quotation is this, that the Father of the Nation has said that in order to lift these untouchables and the downtrodden, and the fallen, from the mire, India would be engaged in passing legislation to equalise conditions. He said that the first burden of the National Government should be to equalise conditions. But this amendment of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru makes all this impossible. There is no possibility of equalising conditions,because we cannot take away any property for public purposes without full compensation. The Father of the Nation provided one formula for it. He said:
'No existing interest legitimately acquired, and not being in conflict with the best interests of the nation in general, shall be interfered with except in accordance with the law applicable to such interests.
He was fighting on our behalf in the Round Table Conference that every title to prop" should be examined, whether it is legitimate or not. He was fighting to see that whatever property has been acquired was acquired legitimately and that it was not in conflict with the interests of the nation. That was the view of the Father of the Nation. In fact, he said :
He was for dispossessing them if he found that they had acquired property without legitimate right. In fact, my amendment, which I shall move later on, suggests that all properties confiscated from patriots, because they took part in the war of independence, shall be restored to them and those, who had got property merely because they did service to officials shall be deprived of them. With your permission, I would like to quote what Mahatma Gandhi said further. He said:
Mr. President: Mr. Saksena, I do not tink you are justified in quoting all that. I have not followed what you are saying. Are you speaking about your own amendment or are you opposing the amendment which has been moved or are you supporting something else ?
Prof. Shibban Lal Saksena: I am quoting this to show that Mahatma Gandhi had said that he would be willing to expropriate property if it had not been acquired in a legitimate manner.
Mr. President: Your amendment does not say anything of that sort.
Prof.Shibban Lal Saksena : I have said in my amendment that the Parliament is the ultimate authority to determine whether compensation should be paid or not instead of the Supreme Court. That is the only difference between my amendment and that of the Prime Minister. The law is final. Parliament shall be the final arbiter according to my amendment. If you will permit me, I should like to quote a few lines more.
Mr. President: I think you should think of the time, also. At this rate we cannot go on. I have given you more time than I would have allowed to anybody else. You had better leave out the quotations. You may make out your point.
Prof. Shibban Lal Saksena: If you will permit me, I shall just read a couple of lines. Mahatma Gandhi had said:
This is what the Father of the Nation said about compensation being paid.
I stand for these Congress principles. Socialists have come and attacked this article that it is not democratic. I oppose this amendment because this is a negation of all I have stood for in my life and of all that the Father of the Nation and the Congress stood for throughout all these years. I missed in the speech of the Prime Minister the fervour which usually is present in his speeches. It is clear that he is torn within himself and he has moved an amendment which he does not believe in and I wish to say that his amendment should not be accepted. I commend my amendment for the acceptance of the House.
Mr. President: Mr. Brajeshwar Prasad-385.
(Mr. Brajeshwar Prasad was cheered as he walked up to the rostrum.)
An Honourable Member: The cheers are an invitation to the Honourable Member to make his speech short
Mr. President: The cheers are to cheer you out.
Shri Brajeshwar Prasad (Bihar : General) : Mr. President, Sir, I move:
'That for amendment No. 720 of the List of Amendments, the following be, substituted:-
That for article 24, the following be substituted.
24.(1) All private property in. the means of production may be acquired by the Government of India.
(2)The President shall determine in each case, to what extent, if any, the owner whether a private individual, a State, a local self-governing institution or a company, shall be compensated.
(3) That within four years from the date of the commencement of this Constitution, the Union Government shall become the owner of all private property in land which is being used or capable of being used for agricultural purposes With your permission, I want to delete.
May I move the other amendments also-387, 390, 391.
Mr. President: I do not think you can move 391 because that is not consistent with 385. I think you had better content yourself with one amendment and be consistent.
Shri B. Das : Mr. President, I submit the amendment is out of order because it negatives all existing laws and negatives the resolution moved by the Prime Minister.
Mr. President: These are all amendments for substituting an article as it was originally moved just as the Prime Minister's is for substituting the article as originally framed.
Shri Brajeshwar Prasad: Moreover, Sir, 1, would like to place before you that the procedure we have adopted today is not in conformity with the procedure that we have followed up till now, because it was Dr. Ambedkar who ought to have moved article 24 or some other article in an amended form. No Member of the House has got a right to move an amendment before an article has been moved on behalf of the Drafting, Committee.
Sir, I am thankful to the honourable Members of the House for their cheers. It is in no spirit of out-Heroding Herod that I have moved this amendment or this substitute article. I am a man of simple ideas and I know one thing, that this question of how property should be regulated has been determined by members of the Congress High Command and it shall always be determined by them and them alone and Parliament will have no power to come to any decision on this question. As long as there is poverty and illiteracy in this country no Parliament will be able to play any vital part in Indian politics. It is in that light,that I have deleted the word 'Parliament' and substituted the word 'President'. When I say 'President' I do not mean one man the President. I mean the President in consultation with the Cabinet, the members of the Congress High Command which consists of men like Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel and others.
My whole intention in moving this article is to by-pass the controversy that has arisen on the question of compensation and justiciability. I am' quite clear in my own mind that if we incorporate these principles in our constitution the result will be social injustice. The result will be that the whole country will hasten towards chaos, anarchy and civil war. With a view to avert that calamity I have moved this article. I am quite clear that no government in India as long as this Constitution is in operation, no democratic government-much less the Congress Government-will embark upon a course of expropriation of property without payment of compensation. But I feel that in the event of a crisis, when the country is confronted with dangers of insurrection and bloodshed, power must vest in the hands of the Government of India to change the very basis of society, so that the foundations of the state may be strengthened. At this moment the question of compensation and justiciability should not be allowed to thwart the greatest good of the greatest number. It is therefore with that view that I have moved this substituted article.
I hold the view that at the present moment there is a group of persons at the helm of affairs in Delhi who are in a position, by virtue of their high intellectual ability and attainments, by virtue of their nobility and character to take a long-range and disinterested view on the question of the regulation of the institution of private property. The argument may be urged that if we do not give compensation and concede justiciability there will be no industrial development in the country. Industrial development is very dear to my heart, but the sufferings of the millions, he starving, masses in India, cannot ignored Therefore I give preference to the masses. I do not cam whether those investors, foreign or Indian, lose their profits or opportunities because in no case, under no circumstances, the interests of the millions can be sacrificed at the altar of a handful of persons.
Sir, I will enter into two or three arguments before I conclude. I am opposed to vesting power into the hands of Parliament, because I feel that a parliament elected on the basis of adult franchise in a country where millions of people are illiterate and poor will not be able to discharge its functions as far as the question of the regulation of private property is concerned.
There is also the apprehension in our minds that most of the members of the future parliament of India will come from the ranks of peasant proprietors who will each have their own property and therefore it would be very difficult for those who have got their own private property to rise to the height of the occasion and take a detached view of things. I hold the view that the system of peasant proprietorship is the greatest' hindrance in the way of socialism and progress. There is much truth in the Marxist theory that the state is an instrument of exploitation in the hands of the dominant group in society.
Therefore I say that this power should he taken away from the hands of Parliament and vested in the hands of our philosopher-kings.
I know that this Constitution is not going to be a permanent constitution of this country. The question may therefore be asked, why are you laying down such provisions in this Constitution which ought to incorporate only general principles of internal value? I think that this Constitution will not last more than ten years. With this feeling in view I want that all the powers should be vested in the hands of our leaders.
I have placed this question outside the purview of the provincial legislatures because I feel that it is very necessary for the sake of uniformity that no power should vest in the hands of the provincial governments. It is too vital a power to be placed in the hands of the provincial legislatures. I am not speaking against the intellectual merits of provincial-ministers but the provincial Ministers are accustomed to deal only with provincial problems and they cannot therefore take an all-India view of things. Hence I am in favour that this power should not be vested in the hands of any provincial government.
Lastly, I am of opinion that people expect more justice from the hands of the Central Government than from the hands of the provincial governments. So it will allay the apprehension of the minorities and the apprehension of all those people who have got some private property if exclusive power is vested into the hands of the Central Government. Hence I want that this power should be vested in the hands of the Central Government. A Kher here and a Pant there cannot basically alter the fact that provincial governments do not enjoy the confidence of the people.
One word more and I have done. I do not say that what I have said should be achieved within the twinkling of an eye. I do not want that private property should be liquidated on the 26th January 1950. I say that the power must be vested in the hands of the in this direction must be left Government of India. I strongly consideration of the House. this amendment. I sincerely people are quite free to agree Government of India and the measure of advance to be determined by the President and the commend this amendment of mine to the earnest It is in no spirit of bravado that I have moved hold the view expressed in the amendment and or disagree with it.
Mr.President: There are two other amendments which seek to replace the whole amended article. I would like them to be moved first.
Shri Kishorimohan Tripathi (C.P. & Berar States): Sir, I beg to move:
Provided that where an entire category of property, movable or immovable, is taken possession of or acquired under any law passed by Parliament or the legislature of a State for the distinct purpose and object of gradually and peacefully establishing a classless society in India the principles of law authorising the taking possession of or acquisition shall in no case be called in question in any court Provided further that it shall be the natural right of every citizen whose property is taken possession of or acquired to get rectified in a proper court of law any wrong done to in the process of execution of the law providing for compensation.
Sir, with all due deference to the observations and views by the honourable Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, I do not agree with the draft article which he has moved. My reasons are these : firstly, that the title of the article is not proper. We are- discussing Fundamental Rights, and in this particular article we are going to describe the extent of private property which a citizen shall have. It is not a subject of compulsory acquisition of property and therefore the title should be changed into "Right of Private Property" or "Private Property'.
Then, although apparently the article as moved by the honourable Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru does not discriminate between property and property, as facts stand I feel that it discriminates between industrial property and landed estates. Such a discrimination between property and property as contained in this article. is, I strongly feel very dangerous and may create a very unhealthy atmosphere in the country which is already full of discontent. I seek in my amendment to place the whole article in such a way that while in the very serious circumstances of the country we are not in a position to socialise property, industries and other things at present, we make the article sufficiently elastic so that in future whenever occasion arises it shall be possible for Parliament to take steps to socialise any property, whether industrial or landed. In the article as presented to us by Panditji there is provision for socialisation of landed property in such provinces as have either passed necessary Acts or as would pass Act& or. introduce Bills by the 26th January, 1950, when we hope to enforce this Constitution.
But in the case of other provinces which may not be in a position to move a Bill or pass an Act for the abolition of zamindari to which we are pledged within the said time limit, the article as proposed makes no provision. This is a very vital part of- the Constitution and it has been rightly observed that this article represents the soul of the Constitution, and therefore we must have a proper background to appreciate the importance of the article.
The Congress today as the largest single Organisation representing the aspirations of our people has accepted as its objective the establishment of cooperative commonwealth in this land, and this co-operative commonwealth is nothing but another name for the establishment of a class-less society in India. This article therefore must give us a proper lead towards that direction. But I feel, as it is proposed, it does not give that lead. We must also remember that the future pattern of our national economy in India will revolve round article 24, and therefore if we make any mistake in defining private property, I feel that we shall be doing something which will be very strongly hindering our progress on the path of establishing a class-less society in India. I have, therefore, amended the article in such a way as would enable the future Parliament of India, representing the wisdom of the people, to be in a position to give proper lead for the establishment of a class-less society.
At the same time I have made provision in my amendment that where in the process of execution of the principles as laid down by Parliament, or by a State Legislature, there is any mistake committed and any wrong is done to any individual, then it shall be open to the individual to seek redress in a court of law. Let us remember that that great man, the Father of the Nation, of whom, it has rightly been said that he moulded us into men out of dust, held before our people the view and the picture of Ram Rajya which to the common man never meant merely political emancipation but freedom from economic want. We must, therefore, in all earnestness see that in our Constitution this freedom from economic want is guaranteed to the common man.
If you look to the various other provisions of the different articles under the Chapter relating to "Fundamental Rights" you will notice that eachfundamental right is conditioned by certain terms. And each of the conditions, as laid down for example in the matter of Freedom of Speech, Freedom of Association, Personal Liberty, indicates a duty on the part of the citizen. So also there should be some condition in the matter of private property. And that condition should be that private property is merely a public trust and at the instance of the community or at the instance of the government it should come to the, use of the community.
Some people have argued that this right should be made justiciable. While being a layman, I do not fully appreciate the implications of juticiability, I do not know how a section of our people fears that a Parliament elected under adult franchise, representing the solid will of the people and the wisdom of our leaders shall do anything but justice in paying compensation for any property that is taken possession of or that is acquired for the common good of the people. I will draw your attention to article 26 in the Yugoslavian Constitution relating to property which says :
So also in the Irish Constitution there are limitations which have been placed upon the right to private property. In all these cases whenever necessary, at the instance of the community and at the instance of the Government representing the community, property is made available for the social good.
It is argued by a section that in drafting this article the members of the at Congress Organisation have departed from the pledges given to the people. The pledges were that whenever private property is taken possession of or acquired, we shall equitably and fairly compensate the owner. We do not deny them compensation. But it must be remembered that we have also held out promises to another greater section of the people, the common men, to the effect that we will strive hard to give them higher and higher standards of living. We have to achieve that objective also. Therefore the criticism levelled against us that we are denying something to a certain section of the people is utterly wrong. We have to adjust the promises given to the different sections and in this connection it has to be remembered that a dynamic nation has to shape and reshape its means for the achievement of objective according to the need and demand of time.
I have another point to make. During the last two years, since 15th August 1947. it has been our sad experience that the hand of co-operation that we extended to the vested interests in this country has not been greeted by them. Capital has been shy and industries and manufacturers have not played their part, their proper part in the matter of nation building. It is high time therefore that we now divert our attention and seek strength from the common man. We should change our policy suitably.
With these few words I commend my motion to the House for its acceptance.
Shri H. V. Kamath: Mr. President, it is with considerable trepidation that I rise to move the various amendments that stand in my name, amendments to article 24 which has a vital bearing on the socioeconomic structure of our State.
Sir, the Prime Minister has told the House that the &aft before the flow ,represents the fruit of the ceaseless cerebral activity of many eminent lawyers. Therefore I asked myself whether, in the face of this draft produced by so many experts, I should say anything at all. But it struck me that lawyers, however eminent they may be, are likely to have their vision clouded by legalistic formulae and are sometimes apt to miss the wood for the trees. I move therefore amendments Nos. 386, 395, 403, 410, 418 and 431 :-
While commending these various amendments for the consideration of the House, may 1, Sir, make a few observations ? The Prime Minister has told the House, firstly, that the policy of the State is that there should be no expropriation without compensation, and secondly, that the right of he individual can in no case over-ride the right or interests of the general community. He went on to say that notwithstanding these fundamental policies, the individual has got to be protected. He remarked that of course there are a few who can protect themselves. I was wondering whether this doctrine of protection of the few, should be the foundation of our State. To me, it seems that the few are entitled to justice, but that those who are to be protected and cherished by the State are vast many. The few can in no case, in Po event, under no circumstances, be pampered or be treated in a manner which is detrimental to the interests of the larger whole. If this is not accepted, that the few can get only justice but it is the many who are to be protected, if this is not accepted, then, Sir, I feel that in this country of ours weighed down by centuries of poverty and misery, poets, prophets and leaders will arise who will tell the people, as did the poet of revolution in England in the last century. That poet exhorted the British people, saying :
Men of England, wherefore plough for the lords who lay you low ?
Wherefore weave with toil and care the rich robes your tyrants wear ?
Rise like lions after slumber in unconquerable number,Shake your chains to earth like dew, ye are many, they are few
'Therefore. Sir, I would suggest in all humility that the foundation of our State should be that the many should be Protected and the few should be justly dealt with. Of course, nobody should be denied justice.
The Prime Minister went on to trace the evolution of the institution of proPerty. I think that ideas about property have ranged from the divine right to property, in other words, the sanctity of private property, to the almost whilst dictum of M. Proudhon that "Property is theft. The movements for and against property have been based on this whole gamut of conceptions relating to property. On the one, hand, on the one extreme we have the divine right of property, the sanctity of private property; but that to my mind is now exploded. It is dead as the dodo, it has gone the way of the Divine Right of Kings. If at all there is right to property, I' can only slay that it is not the divine right of the individual to property, but it is the right of God himself to all property, and so for all His children on earth. All this trouble about property could have been obviated, could have been got over if only men had clearly understood what the divine right meant, that it meant that the property should be utilised justly and wisely in the interests of the whole of mankind.
It was on this basis that Mahatma Gandhi preached and lived his doctrine of "Aparigraha" that property holders should be mere trustees of that property for the good of the community. If this had been accepted in letter and spirit by the property holders in our country and in the world at large, then so much of misery could have been prevented; but man, in his foolishness has not heeded the advice of the Mahatma and other prophets that have preceded him in the history of mankind. If the great ideal of the Ishopanished-
"Renounce that you may enjoy Enjoy by renouncing." had been followed by property holders, then all these conflicts, all these disputes about property would not have arisen. But, Sir, that unfortunately has not been the lot of humanity. The history of humanity, as had been stated by a great historian, is strewn with the crimes, follies and stupidities of mankind.
Mr.President: Let us not talk of the follies and stupidities of mankind, Lot us confine ourselves to the article under consideration.
H. V. Kamath : I was developing,my argument about the evolution of the idea of property, as Prime Minister has in his speech referred to the matter.
Now, Sir, about my amendments. No- 386 Is a very obvious amendment wherein I have sought to provide that no property shall be acquired save in the national interests. The Prime Minister has stated that the few must be protected. I agree that the few must get justice; and so if we specifically provide that property shall be acquired only in the national interest, we guarantee that the few who own property will be justly dealt with, because according to the Prime Minister, on his own showing, the few cannot override the interests of the people, of the nation as a whole. In the national interest any property can be and must be acquired. That is with regard to my first amendment.
My second amendment No. 395 is merely a verbal amendment and I leave it to the wisdom of the Drafting Committee to be dealt with at the appropriate stage.
Amendment No. 403 is a vital amendment and I therefore crave your indulgence to offer a few remarks thereon. In this amendment, I seek to provide that the principles of giving compensation, offering compensation orfixing compensation and the, manner of determination shall not be called in ,question in any court. The clause, as it stands, is somewhat ambiguous though the Prime Minister did remark that Parliament and legislatures will be ultimately sovereign. But I feel that no loop-hole should be left for any of those few who might take. it into their heads to fight against the interests of the community. It is with this purpose in view that I want this clause to be made clear on this point that neither the principles nor the manner or compensation Shall be called in question in any court. What is justiciable, what can be called into question is merely the application of these principles. If an aggrieved party feels that the principles have been wrongly applied, have been unjustly applied, then it is open to him to go to a Court and question the application of-the principles in that court of law, but if the Parliament or the legislature lays down the principles or the basis of the calculation of compensation and also prescribes the manner, for instance, spread over how many years in cash, bonds and all that, all these things shall not be called in question in any court. The amount of compensation fixed on this basis, that is to say the application of these principles may be made justiciable. The latest constitution to be framed in Europe, that is, the Bonn Constitution of Western Germany has a clause similar to this. The justiciable part of that clause with regard to property is only this, that "with regard to the extent of compensation an appeal may be made to the ordinary courts in case of dispute". I seek through my amendment No. 403 that the principles and the manner of compensation shall not be justiciable, but only the amount of compensation or the application of those principles can be called in question in a Court, Amendment No. 410 relates to clause (3) of the article which vests power in the President to assent to or withhold his assent from any Bin passed by a State Legislature. I feel that so far as that property is concerned which is within the purview of the State Legislature, so far as property listed in list 11 of Schedule Seven is concerned, if the State intends to acquire that property under this article, there should be no hurdles or obstruction placed in final acquisition of that property by the State. If clause (3) is adopted as it is, I am afraid it might result in unpleasant consequences for the State and the Union as a whole. Supposing for instance, one of the constituent units of the Union has passed a law acquiring property under this article, but some interests which are involved try to pull the strings at the Centre and the President, if unfortunately he, too, is not favourably inclined towards this measure, for various reasons into which we need not go, if the President withholds his assent from this Bill passed by the Legislature, then there is bound to arise a serious conflict between the State and the Union Government and once the seeds of discord have been sown between the State and the Union, Government, I cannot say how far this discord will go, this conflict will be waged between the State and the Union. To obviate this contingency I want to make the State Legislature sovereign in respect of such property as is within the purview of the State and want to provide that the President's assent to the legislation is not necessary before it becomes, operative. Then I come to amendment No. 418.
Mr.President: It is more or less a verbal amendment,, I think.
Shri H. V. Kamath: My amendment No. 418 follows as a consequential amendment to the previous amendment to clause (3), wherein I have: Sought to delete the necessity for the President's assent to a Bill of the State legislature before it becomes operative; and so here also in amendment No. 418 I want to recast clause (4) on the same lines, to the effect that the President's assent is not necessary for it to become operative; when it is enacted in the usual course, it should take effect, and the rest of the clause,is all right.
Then I come to amendment No. 431. Clauses (4) and (6) are similar except that clause (4) refers to pending Bills and clause (6) refers to Bills already enacted by the State and therefore the amendment which I have moved to clause (3) seeking to delete the provision with regard to the assent of the President to State legislation applies both to clauses (4) and (6) and wherever the President has stepped in into these clauses, I have moved amendments to delete the provision for the assent of the President before the law of the State becomes operative. That is with regard to my amendment No. 431.
Before I close, I would like to urge only one consideration and that is this. We have provided in our fundamental rights, article 9, that there shall be no discrimination as between man and man. As regards women and children only there is a proviso to that article on non-discrimination. I feel that it would have been in the fitness of things if we had provided for no discrimination of whatever kind between landed property and industrial property (hear, hear), that if we wanted to lay down that the acquisition of landed property should be non-justiciable, I would have welcomed that the, acquisition of industrial property and commercial capital, ought also to be non-justiciable.